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XIII
§ 4. The Verb. (i.) Present and future tenses. -- The text wavers frequently between the present and the future. But these changes are not arbitrary.(1) The context must be carefully studied in each case. Thus in certain contexts the future is rightly used, since the context is obviously prophetic: cf. 716sqq. ouv teina,sousin e;ti ouvde. diyh,sousin e;ti( ktl) These words occur at the close of a vision where all the verbs dealing with the actual vision are rightly given in the present or past. Similarly in 1410 1714sq. we have pure prophecies. In other cases where we have the pres. instead of the future or the past, this may be due to a Hebraism; for the Hebrew imperfect may, according to the context, be rendered either as a past, present, or future: cf. 98sqq. 17-20 1311sqq. The translator is often at fault in the LXX, and a writer whose thoughts naturally shaped themselves in Hebrew could hardly escape rendering the Hebrew imperf. in his thoughts by a Greek present: cf. 510 basileu,ousin. At times, however, when the present takes the place of the past, the change may have been made deliberately with a view to dramatic vividness. (b) e;rcomai does not come under these considerations. The Seer uses the pres. of this verb as a pres. or a future. In fact he never uses the future except in compounds, i.e., 320 eivseleuso,mai, 208 evxeleu,setai. He is, therefore, perfectly acquainted with the form of the future of the simple verb, but he avoids it. J uses it once, 1423, and both the above-mentioned compounds in 109. In 143 he connects it with a future pa,lin e;rcomai kai. taralh,myomai.(ii.) Imperfect (Past). -- (a) The past imperf. is found only in the case of nine verbs: avkolouqei/n (2 times), dida,skein (1), du,nasqai (4 -- never in aor.), ei=nai (17), e;cein (5 -- ei=can, 98.9), klai,ein (1), lalei/n (2), le,gein (1), sth,kein (1 in a source, i.e. 124). It is therefore of infrequent occurence. But it is used with special force in relative clauses, 112 214 69: also in descriptive sentences, 54 kai. e;klaion, 514 [68] 1914 2115. In 711 i`sth,keisan (pluperf.) is used as a past imperf. = "were standing." (b) But the place of the past imperf. (or historic present) is frequently taken by the (imperfect or perfect) participle: e;cwn (for ei=cen, or possibly in one or more cases for e;cei), 116 47.8 62.5 102 122 2112.14: evkporeuome,nh, 116: kaqh,menoj, 42: kaio,menai, 45: peribeblhme,noj, 1913. This use of the participle for a finite verb is frequent in late Hebrew (very frequent in Aramaic, customary in Syriac), and its displacement of the past imperf. in our author is no doubt due largely to Hebraic influences.(iii.) Past Aorist and Present Perfect. -- These at first sight seem to be used in certain instances interchangeably: cf. 57 714 85 193 etc. But the following study of these Greek tenses and their English equivalents shows that this is not so. (iv.) Greek Aorist and its rendering into English. -- Since the
Greek and English aorists do not altogether correspond, it is of great
importance to determine the points wherein they differ. Weymouth (On
the Rendering of the Greek aorist and perfect into English, 1890) has
gone elaborately into the subject. See also Moulton, Gr. 135 sqq.,
whose conclusions I have for the most part accepted. On the use of the
aor. as a perfect in J, see Abbott, Gr. 323 sqq.
(v.) Greek Perfects and their rendering into English. -- Blass (Gr. 200) and Moulton (Gr. 143, 145) admit the occurrence of pres. perfects as aorists in our author. There are only two verbs, ei;lhfa and ei;rhka, which are so used. The former appears to be so used in 57 85, though the R.V. takes it as = a present, and Robertson (Gr. 899) defends it in both cases as a "dramatic colloquial historical perfect." But the context is certainly in {cxxvi} favour of the aorist sense,(5) and the same perfect (Thackeray, Gr. 24) occurs in this sense in Dan lxx. 430b. As regards ei;rhka in 714 193, no doubt as to the aoristic sense can be entertained. (vi.) Aorists used by our author and his sources. (a) Of i[sthmi(6) our author uses evsta,qhn, 83 1218, whereas e;sthn is used in his sources, 1111 1817. (b) Again our author uses evqauma,sqhn, 133 = "I wondered" (as a middle: always passive in o , except in one doubtful instance -- Thackeray, Gr. 240 n.), whereas evqau,masa is used with the same meaning in source 176.7 as in J and generally in Greek. (c) Our author uses hvnoi,ghn in connection with the temple, 1119 155, and hvnoi,cqhn in connection with the books, 2012 (bis) (as in Dan 710o , q ,). Since Matthew and Luke in Acts use both forms in connection with the same subjects, no safe inference is possible here. (vii.) Imperative. -- The aor. imper. occurs
about 40 times in our author: the present 20 times, nine of these in chaps.
1-3. The aor. imper. is sharper and more urgent than the present, and while
the latter "is used in general precepts (even to individuals) on conduct
and action," the former is used "in injunctions about action in individual
cases" (Blass, Gr. 194). Hence we may distinguish 311kra,tei
o] e;ceij and 225o]
e;cete krath,sate in connection with their contexts.
(viii.) Infinitives. -- (a) Our author generally uses the aor. inf. save in the case of certain verbs. Thus ble,pein is never found {cxxvii} in the aor., even in the indicative. In 228 we should read e;blepon with A. In the rest of the N.T. it occurs once in the aor. imper., Acts 34. stre,fein occurs in 116 (source). katabai,nein, 1313. After me,llein the pres. follows inf. regularly (10 times) except in 32.16 124. In J the pres. inf. follows without exception. The usual construction in classical Greek is me,llein with the fut. inf. (b) On the infinitive = a finite verb in a conditional clause and also in the principal sentence, see 1310 n., and below, p. cxlvi.(ix.) Participle. -- To the use of the participle for a finite verb attention has already been drawn: see above, § 4, ii (b). Present and perfect participles occur frequently, but never the future part. The last is found once in J 664. o` evrco,menoj is, however, practically a future participle. It is remarkable that the genitive absolute is wholly absent from our tet, though it is of frequent occurence in J. The indeclinable use of le,gwn or le,gontej = rmoale as in 41 511-12 111.15 146 comes properly under the head of Hebraisms. (x.) The omission of the copula in principal
or relative sentences does not call for consideration here, as it is of
constant occurrence throughout the N.T. The omission of the copula after
ivdou,
(= hNEhi) is encouraged
through Hebrew precedent. Cf. Blass, Gr. 74; Robertson, 395 sq.
NOTES
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